(film reel clattering) Hello and welcome to today's Ethnic Media Services news briefing.

Thank you to reporters for joining us.

We're excited to be connecting to media, especially from Pennsylvania.

I'm Sandy Close, Ethnic Media Services director and your moderator for today.

Over the last two years, EMS has organized numerous conferences to report on the 2020 census and on redistricting campaigns to secure fair representation for rapidly growing communities of color.

Experts and activists have discussed how, despite robust organizing efforts, many communities were systematically excluded from map drawing deliberations in many states.

The maps that resulted in Texas, Alabama, North Carolina, Florida, among other states, are actually less representative of the populations that live there than those produced in 2011.

Today, we focus on a success story: how Pennsylvania, despite intense partisan politics bent on restricting voter access, managed to produce maps that genuinely reflect the state's growing diversity.

Behind that success is a multiyear effort by a multiracial coalition of organizations determined to build, in the words of one of the activists, quote, "What a reflective democracy looks like", close quote.

We are honored to welcome activists whose organizations are at the forefront of Pennsylvania's redistricting story and who will share with us what success looks like for their communities, what lessons they can share about how they achieved it, and what their next steps are to ensure racial equity and fair voter access in the electoral process.

Our speakers include Salewa Ogunmefun, executive director, Pennsylvania Voice; Kris Henderson, executive director of Amistad Law, a legal and organizing project; and, Maria del Carmen Gutierrez, director of policy for CASA, Pennsylvania's largest immigrant service organization.

We begin with Salewa Ogunmefun who leads the organization Pennsylvania Voice, which has been at the forefront of the multiracial coalition of organizations working on redistricting.

- Thank you, Sandy, and thank you for the opportunity.

I am so excited to be able to talk with you all today and to be joined by two of our partners who you will hear from a little bit later.

And, I just want to start off by just reminding us about why this was so important.

As an organization in 2015, we actually did an analysis on the state of Pennsylvania because what some of our partners were consistently seeing was that they were registering voters.

Those voters were actually heading to go vote.

But, there was still a very large difference between what they could actually look to see come out of the representatives that were being elected into positions.

Because the accountability for those elected officials did not relay and did not go back to the community members that our partners are consistently doing work.

And so, when we were looking to understand why the minimum wage [connection stutters] in Pennsylvania is $7.25, [connection stutters] when we were looking to understand why the schools in Reading and the schools in Philadelphia versus per child as a school in Allegheny County or a school in Montgomery County, what we found out and what we realized is that, that disparity in education and in economics really stems from the lack of representation.

True representation not just demographic representation, but representation that includes both demographic demographics and racial representation, but also that is accountable to what the community needs are In order to change that dynamic, we needed to take a step back and actually look at the redistricting process because our partners weren't able to actually organize for a victory on these issues because they were prevented by the way that our maps were actually drawn.

And so, when we started having conversations with community members about the census in 2020, that was us really starting to lay the foundation to collect the data that was necessary in order to actually inform this process.

So, what we know every ten years is that when we go through the census collection, there are communities that are consistently undercounted.

Those communities are the same communities that when we look at the other effects of redistricting and where people aren't getting the representation that they need, when we look at the communities that are experiencing the most harm in terms of our economic systems, they're these same communities that are being undercounted in things like the census that then lead to being underrepresented in the redistricting process.

And so, the reason behind the campaign and the reason behind the work and the effort that we really did to ensure that Pennsylvania had House district maps that allow our partners to actually have representatives that are going to be accountable to them is really based in what these maps look like.

And so, when we started this campaign and when we started this process, community self-determination was really what our end goal was.

And so, when we looked at the state, the-- when we walked out of the 2020 census, what we saw was that 23% of the state, 23.5% of the state was people of color: Latinx folks, Black folks, Asian Americans.

But, when we looked at the state legislature, 90% of that legislature [connection stutters] was white.

75% of that legislature were men.

And, what we realized is that that is the foundation for all of these problems.

And now, when we look at what we were able to accomplish in the cycle, we were able to actually add an additional six districts in the state house that allow for people of color, by definition of a coalition district, to actually elect candidates that are going to be more accountable to their actual communities.

And so, when I say that we have the best statehouse maps in Pennsylvania history, what I-- what we're really talking about is the ability for the communities that our partners are doing work in.

We focus in seven counties across the state, including Allegheny County, Philadelphia County.

We focus in Berks.

We focus in Lancaster.

We focus in York, Delaware County and Lehigh County.

And, those are the areas in the state that are experiencing the largest population shifts in growth, and where we have partners that are consistently doing work.

And so, in just those areas, we were able to add these additional six seats and opportunities where the communities to actually elect their own candidates of their choice.

So, a few of my partners are going to talk a lot more about what that process look like.

But, I really wanted to lay the foundation for why it is-- it was so important for the work that they did in the field work in making sure that community members were engaged in this process and were able to actually set for themselves.

This is a district that allows me and my neighbors to have the best representation, because when it comes to all of the other issues that our partners are working on consistently, we need to be able to make progress.

And, that progress was prohibited through the overall redistricting cycle.

And so, I will turn it back over to you, Sandy, for other folks to talk a little bit more about our work and what we did in Pennsylvania.

- Thank you very much, Salewa.

What what surprised you the most in-- as you began to really organize and collect organizations, grassroots organizations, and activists to work on this?

What began to make you feel like maybe you really were going to gain ground?

- So, what we saw in Pennsylvania was in the first few hearings that the Legislative Reapportionment Commission actually held, the experts that were invited to testify at that commission were all white.

And, they were focusing on places-- on things that are important, like rural Pennsylvania.

But, we didn't have anyone come in to actually particularly speak to the lens of how do we make sure that BIPOC communities in Pennsylvania are able to have more representation through this process.

And so, our first ask to the Legislative Reapportionment Commission in this process was to change that, to make sure that there were experts that had the opportunity to speak that actually were from the community, and that their testimony was received as expert testimony.

We asked that they increase the amount of hearings that they actually had so that more community members would have the opportunity to actually testify.

We asked that they change the time that they were having hearings.

Originally, the hearings that they were having were like noon, one o'clock in the afternoon, which doesn't allow community members to actually go to work and then come testify and engage in the process.

So, we made an ask around the timing that they actually had the hearings and that they held them later in the day so that we can do more organizing to turn people out.

And, when we made those asks of the LRC, they didn't adopt every single thing that we asked of them, but they adopted the intentions behind that.

So, what we saw after that was they actually invited us as Pennsylvania Voice several times to actually testify as experts.

And, when they initially introduced their first version of the maps, they asked us to come back to testify again to what our perspective was based on the maps that they submitted.

And so, what we were able to do is build a relationship with the Legislative Reapportionment Commission throughout this cycle and build our credibility with them in a way that they looked at us as people in the process that they should actually listen to, and people in the process who were providing information that they did not have.

And, they received that testimony from Kris and from Maria and from Deanna, and make the road as expert testimony.

And, they really used that as the foundation for the decisions that they made.

And so, when the LRC actually introduced their preliminary maps, they introduced them and particularly gave a presentation talking about the new opportunities that were created for Black, Latinx and Asian American communities to elect candidates of their choice, because we had forced that on the record and put that in place.

So, I think that the most-- that early on, a way that we were successful [connection stutters] let us know that there was a lot of room to be even more successful [connection stutters] was how the LRC responded to our initial request.

And, they did adopt some of the pieces that we-- and gave us some even more space to put more and more things on the record that they then had to respond to.

- Thank you so much.

Our next speaker is Maria del Carmen Gutierrez, senior director of membership for CASA.

- Thank you, Sandy.

This is a great opportunity.

So, I am very grateful for your PA Voice and also Sandy for you, for having me.

Part of my testimony here and what I am going to be sharing with you is I think reflect also what the work that had to be done in almost every district where our people, Latino and Black community lives and also, you know, people of color live.

We-- CASA was part of the allies that defended the authenticity of the census at the Supreme Court.

I am talking before 2020 stopping the desire to use that critical tool of democracy for partisan and private interest.

Our work in the census included a message about the importance of being counted.

But, as well, we had to take the opportunity to clarify that the census was not going to be used to identify the citizens from non-citizens.

When we began with a redistricting program, I have to be very honest because I didn't know what redistricting was.

That was the first time I heard the word and others that I asked about the redistricting process also told me that they were not sure about that process or the meaning of the word.

Therefore, I took a lot of training from our partner PA Voice, and also registering myself in trainings on the web about Redistricting 101.

As soon as I clicked why we do not have a lot of people from our communities representing us at the General Assembly in Pennsylvania and relate that situation, that reality with the redistricting process, that is when I understood that it is not because our candidates were not good enough.

It is because of the consequences of the redistricting process.

So, we trained our organizers, our promoters, and also our leaders, the members that we have in York and Lancaster.

And, they were in charge of engage our communities in both counties.

Remember, this is people that came from-- that are part of that community.

This is not-- these are not strangers of our communities.

One other difference from our organization is that we speak the language that our communities and Afro-Latino communities speak Spanish So, our work was in Spanish.

When you think that almost everyone, everyone learned including me, was that our communities are not only our neighbors, the places you go shopping, the church, your kids' schools, the park where you go to have a great time with your families, are also part of your community.

So, that was one of the first lessons that we learned.

We open a new world to our communities so they immediately understand that they have the right to speak about the essential necessities available to them.

Our work helped give us a better understanding of the geography of our communities.

We made them realize that we were part of something bigger that we are as individuals.

In addition, most important, we have the ability and the opportunity to participate in every process dealing with our communities, making our voices heard.

In addition, we taught them how to draw their community maps.

That was the first action that we did.

As soon as they identify what is the demographic-- the geographic-- in what places are the places that they went.

So, we learned and we teach them how to do draw in the map that geographical...places.

So, they also vote for the unity maps.

We began with the community maps and then with all those community maps, we create a unity maps; two different unity maps that we weren't sure that we are not lefting behind any of our members of the community, no matter what color they are, no matter what language they speak.

And, we delivered personally those unity maps to the LRC.

So, we began mobilizing our members and our communities to Lancaster-- from Lancaster and York to Harrisburg to participate to the inner city hearings to see them taking decisions, but also to let them see us.

For me, that was the most important part!

For there was a surprise: "Oh, who are these people?"

People from the community that-- that you, the LRC, are going to have that-- have the responsibility to draw.

But, we are the expert of those communities because we live there!

So, that was really very impressive.

- Thank you very much.

Mr. Orozco, could you ask your question?

- Yes, thank you.

So, I've heard a lot of concerns from Latino leaders in Allentown.

They say that the districts were reshaped in ways that actually cut out a lot of the community and candidates, people who were already sort of known and ready to mount campaigns.

And so, I'm just wondering if any of the speakers who had a hand in influencing the redistricting process could speak on it, whether that there are-- if those claims from Latino leaders in Allentown seem valid or if they don't.

I'm just looking for some sort of, you know, third party input.

I have gotten to speak with those folks in Allentown, but would be interested to see what other people have to say, especially those involved in the process.

- I am not-- I didn't know about what is going on really in Allentown.

But, what I can tell you is that we have been suffering of this diminishing for decades, you know?

I think this is the first time that communities are beginning to really participating in this process of redistricting.

And if this-- if it's something like happened in Reading, ten years ago when they decided to cut in half, you know, the population in Reading?

We have more than the 50% of the population is Latino.

And, they diminish cutting that district and making two of them.

And, if it's something like that, we have to, you know, engage with them.

And, be empathize with them and also work, you know, together.

But, really, I don't have the information of what is going on right now in Allentown.

My work has been in York and Lancaster.

I am not-- I am not ready to answer that kind of question.

- But, let's-- thank you!

And, let's hear from Salewa who wants to address that question.

- I think that, generally, when we look at any set of redistricting maps, every line is a decision.

And, every map is going to take into account a particular community.

I think that what we saw in Allentown, the decisions that were made by the LRC, was to prioritize creating as many opportunities as possible versus creating districts that have higher populations of a single race and guarantees of a particular race is going to be able to win that district.

And so, there's not like a specific number that you can point to, to say, 30% means that, you know, a Latinx person can win this district, or 40% here means that a Black person can lead this district.

That's actually some of-- a lot of the work that we were doing around looking at racially polarized voting and what that actually looks like in Pennsylvania, because there's a lot of factors that impact whether or not a candidate will be-- will win.

That is more than just like the demographics of that district in terms of race, but also the attitudes of the districts-- or, of the other people in that district and the districts around So, if we look at Allegheny County, for example, right?

Even before this recent redistricting cycle, we had two districts in Allegheny County that have a little under 20% people of color, and both have elected Black candidates that represent them and went to the State House.

And so, we don't have a 51% district in Allentown that would potentially guarantee or like a 58% district that potentially could guarantee that one Latinx candidate will go to the state house.

What the LRC created there was opportunities like the ones I just talked about in Allegheny County that allow candidates of choice to be able to actually win, but in multiple districts.

- Our third speaker is Kris Henderson.

executive director of Amistad Law, a organizing and legal nonprofit that has been very involved in redistricting, the redistricting efforts in Pennsylvania.

Ms. Henderson, thank you.

And, please go forward.

- Thank you for having me.

And, just to talk a little bit about Amistad's work.

We primarily work with people who are in prison serving life without parole or death by incarceration and other lengthy sentences, and also people who have loved ones who are serving that sentence.

And so, a lot of our work has been in trying to get second chances for those folks through the legislature, hopefully and eventually.

And, really, the problem that we've come across is that there have been bills for the past several years that would give second chances, give a second chance to many people who are incarcerated and that those bills actually just aren't moving forward; (Sandy coughs) Basically, like, aren't passable right now.

And so, in working with members of our base through this ri--, through this redistricting process, a lot of our work was just based in connecting that work to this process and really trying to make sure people understood like, hey, if there are different people who are in Harrisburg, who are elected in our legislature, then these bills become more likely to pass.

There are legislators that now are going to understand what this means to our communities and what-- it would see like the possibilities there.

And so, you know, the redistricting process is very confusing in Pennsylvania.

And, in other places it's a very-- sort of a convoluted process.

It's hard even to just kind of explain it from beginning to end to people.

But, I think when we were kind of breaking that down into chunks and really talking about, you know, 'this is the thing that's happening right now.

'So, this is what we want you to do; this is how you can be engaged in that process,' we saw people actually from having a much better understanding of the process overall.

And, really a desire to engage with it and to see-- to want to push for these other possibilities in this space.

- Can you name one legislative initiative you're particularly focused on?

- Senator Sharif Street has a bill that would give-- that would create a pathway for geriatric parole, medical parole in the state.

And so, that would allow people who have certain serious medical conditions or who are aging, and not going to be a threat to public safety and who also are costing the system significantly more money to incarcerate.

It would allow those folks a chance to come home, to go before the parole board and to show that they've been rehabilitated, that they have positive things that they would be doing on the outside.

That's all.

I think that's the main thing.

- Thank you so much.

And, with that, I must conclude our briefing.

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