AMNA NAWAZ: And let's continue looking now at the potential political fallout of the speaker's race and how it could affect U.S. aid for Israel and Ukraine with Amy Walter of The Cook Political Report With Amy Walter and Tamara Keith of NPR.

Good to see you both.

Amy, I want to begin with your latest for The Cook Political Report, something that's struck with me and kind of gives us a little bit of context we need.

You wrote this.

You said: "If you step back from the day-to-day chaos, it's easier to see this as part of a longer trajectory, one in which the so-called establishment has been gradually and effectively undermined for the last 30 years."

You're talking, of course, about the crisis and trying to find a speaker.

So, how did this happen, Amy?

AMY WALTER, The Cook Political Report: Yes, this 30 years, and I have been in Washington that entire time.

So, yes, I'm officially old.

But in watching what's happening today, I was really struck by the fact that this began really back in 1994, the first set of sort of disrupters, anti-establishment started by Newt Gingrich, the Gingrich Revolution in 1994.

Then we moved to the second group of revolutionaries, I would call them .

That was the Tea Party back in 2010, and, then, finally, what we have now with Trump and MAGA.

And what's really interesting, Amna, when you look at the trajectory of this, there's something that all of these groups have in common.

The first is not just that they disliked the leadership, but what they saw was a Republican leadership that wasn't fighting hard enough against Democrats, that saw compromise as something that was considered more of a sin than an asset.

What you also see is, in between each of these periods, the leadership or the establishment seems to think it found a way to either incorporate, accommodate, or fight back or repel those disrupters, those rebels, only to find that a new set of rebels was standing at the gate a few years later.

And that's where Kevin McCarthy found himself, of course, in -- well, gosh, this was two weeks ago now, three weeks ago -- where -- or maybe we can take it back to the election of 2022, where things did not turn out the way that Kevin McCarthy would have liked.

He wanted a bigger margin in the House.

And so he was left then with a very narrow margin, meaning that the rebels, that faction that doesn't want to see leadership working closely with Democrats, was able to depose him.

AMNA NAWAZ: Tam, what about the Trump of it all?

I mean, we know his endorsement of Jim Jordan didn't help him get across the line in securing the speakership.

You heard what Leigh Ann just had to say about him not exactly backing Tom Emmer.

Does he still have as much of a hold on House Republicans as he previously did?

TAMARA KEITH, National Public Radio: I think you can safely say that he still has a stronghold on House Republicans.

And his endorsement may not be the thing that puts someone over the line, in part because their -- the threshold for becoming speaker is just so difficult.

You have to get that 217, which means you can't lose anyone, or you can lose only a handful.

And I see this divide shaping up in the Republican Party that, essentially, what's happening in the House is a reflection of a broader divide in the Republican Party, where there's maybe like 20 percent or 30 percent of Republicans who don't want to burn it all down and who have discomfort with Trump or, in Emmer's case, supported -- or were willing to accept that Joe Biden won the election.

And then you have the rest of them who have fully gone all in on sort of the Trump Republican Party.

And that includes foreign policy.

That includes -- it's easy to forget, but there was a time where there was a bipartisan deal to avoid a government shutdown.

It looked like there wouldn't be a government shutdown.

And then Trump himself said, oh, no, I don't like that.

And then there was a government shutdown.

So, there really is this divide between Republicans who realize that governing requires some bipartisan compromise just because of the sheer math and those that don't care.

And it's hard to find a speaker candidate who can bridge that divide.

AMNA NAWAZ: Amy, Tam mentioned foreign policy as part of this puzzle.

And I want to remind folks about that rare Oval Office address that President Biden gave a few days ago about a funding request he's sending to Congress, more aid for Israel and Ukraine, including other things.

Here are some top lines from that request, over $61 billion for Ukraine, $14 billion for Israel, over $9 billion for humanitarian assistance, and over $13.5 billion for the border.

But, Amy, where is the American public on this?

Do they see all of these needs as vital U.S. interests?

AMY WALTER: The -- where the American public is -- in terms of as a voting issue, and how they see this, is probably not as focused as many members of Congress are on this.

Look, the issues of Ukraine and Israel, they are the kinds of issues that are critically important for policy reasons, but for voting reasons, for voters in terms of, is this the prism through which they are determining their vote for president, for Congress?

Unlikely so.

What I think is also important about this package, Amna, is that it seems to have a little something for everybody, including for the border, immigration funding.

This is what Republicans have said previously they would like to see before they give any more support, especially to Ukraine, but foreign aid, in particular.

However, getting that deal done is going to require Republicans to accommodate to the Ukraine funding, which they previously said they would not like to see.

And, also, it doesn't have any policy changes to immigration.

It's just more money for border enforcement.

What a lot of Republicans would like to see is actually a difference -- a different direction some key policies that Democrats are not going to agree to.

AMNA NAWAZ: Tam, as you know, the president argues that this is critical funding that he needs.

That funding is held up while the House is in disarray.

Is there anything the White House thinks they could do to help sort out that dysfunction?

Is there someone among these candidates they think they could work with?

TAMARA KEITH: Oh, the White House is not going to get involved in the speaker's race.

They would not be a helpful force, and they are gladly staying away from it, though, when we were on Air Force One coming back from Israel and asked President Biden how he felt about Jim Jordan losing out on the speaker's race, he was like, yes, I don't feel sorry for that guy at all.

There was some sarcasm there.

He weighed in once it was over.

But, no, the White House is not going to get involved in this House speaker's race.

But, as you say, until there is a speaker, nothing can get done on these funding measures.

Over on the Senate side, they clearly have a partner in Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, who is out there saying, well, if you want to push back on Russia and China and Iran, then this funding package is the way to do it.

I expect, on the House side, they're not going to take this up as a package.

AMNA NAWAZ: A lot to watch in the week ahead.

Tamara Keith and Amy Walter, good to see you both.

Thank you so much.

AMY WALTER: Thank you.