AMNA NAWAZ: More than a week after the failed mutiny by Wagner mercenaries in Russia, there are lingering questions about the future of the paramilitary group.

Wagner boss Yevgeny Prigozhin has not been seen since agreeing to halt the rebellion and go to Belarus.

Last week, new satellite images showed what appeared to be newly built military bases in Belarus that could house Wagner mercenaries.

Meanwhile, the U.S. has imposed sanctions on gold companies suspected of funding the group's activities, including in Africa, where thousands of Wagner fighters have been deployed since 2017.

Last week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Wagner troops could remain in the continent.

SERGEY LAVROV, Russian Foreign Minister (through translator): The fate of the agreements between those African countries and the Wagner private military company is up to the leadership of those countries to decide.

How much are they interested in to continue such cooperation to ensure the security of the authorities?

AMNA NAWAZ: For more on the group's activities, we're joined by Kimberly Marten a professor of political science at Barnard College, Columbia University, and an expert on the Wagner Group.

Kim Marten, welcome to the "NewsHour."

Let's begin with the latest from Prigozhin.

We haven't seen him since that attempted mutiny.

But we have heard from him.

In a Telegram post, he thanked those who supported him.

He said the mutiny was aimed at -- quote -- "fighting traitors and mobilizing our society."

What do you make of that statement?

KIMBERLY MARTEN, Barnard College and Columbia University: Well, the tape itself was very odd.

And, of course, we don't know when it was actually posted.

But it was short.

And it was very different from other things that he posted, because there was no combativeness in it, as we're used to hearing from him, no swear words.

It was very short and sweet and cooperative.

And so it was sort of -- there wasn't much to it, but it sounded very atypical for Prigozhin.

AMNA NAWAZ: What do you make of how Putin has responded to that attempted mutiny, and also what it says about his leadership and his concerns at this stage in the war in Ukraine?

KIMBERLY MARTEN: Well, now it's really out of the headlines in Russia itself.

And so things are going on as if it never happened.

But I think, at the time, it made Putin look very weak, because he was slow to respond and because the Wagner march to Moscow was allowed to make as much headway as it was.

He seemed unprepared.

And he seemed frightened at first.

I think what we will see going forward is that Putin's leadership has been weakened, and there may be other people who try to take advantage of that, not by launching military coups, but by attempting to get around what Putin wants and weakening his authority in various ways.

AMNA NAWAZ: So what about these Wagner troops in Africa?

They have been there for a number of years.

Where are they and what exactly are they doing?

KIMBERLY MARTEN: Well, if you listen to some media reports, you would think that they were everywhere in Africa.

But, in fact, there are only four countries where they have any substantial presence.

Their most successful presence is in the Central African Republic, where they have about 1,000 troops, more or less.

And they have essentially taken over security duties in the country, because President Touadera has allowed them to do that.

So, the evidence indicates that they are actually commanding forces that are in the outlying areas of the Central African Republic, which has been helpful to try to Touadera, because they put down rebel movements.

The other second largest -- well, large presence is in Mali.

And, there, it's less clear that they're going to be successful.

They're obviously trying something very similar, where they are supporting the current military junta in its control over the country.

But Mali is facing two separate Islamist insurgencies.

There's a lot of rebel activity.

And while Wagner would like to get access to raw material contracts there and more gold, it's not clear that they will be successful, because the gold in Mali is mostly controlled by large Western firms that are quite sophisticated.

And the other two areas in Africa that we know Wagner is currently located, there are probably a few dozen forces in Sudan, where they don't seem to be engaged in combat in the current civil war.

But, again, they are engaged in the gold trade.

And then the fourth place they are is in Libya, in Eastern Libya, working with the warlord there, Khalifa Haftar, and ensuring, with their air defense systems, that he can stay in place, and then also guarding oil and gas resources that Russia might find useful in the future.

AMNA NAWAZ: Kim, knowing the relationship between this Wagner paramilitary force and the official Russian defense forces and the military there, what does their presence in Africa say to you about Putin's larger foreign policy?

KIMBERLY MARTEN: Well, they have all been put there with the support of Russian state ministries of various kinds, and so they are acting on behalf of Russia's foreign policy interests.

They have never really been a completely private company.

That's been sort of a fig leaf put over what they're doing.

And what it means is that Putin is able to establish a relatively large presence in Africa for Russian security forces in particular, and then also in terms of getting gold and other potential precious natural resources, without having to spend a lot of money and without having to put the Russian uniformed military at risk for casualties, which makes it much easier to sell to the home audience, if you can just say it's a bunch of people who are private actors who are out making money.

And we have to remember that, up until 2014, Russia really didn't have much of a remaining presence in Africa.

It never left the continent entirely.

But its presence there has been relatively insignificant, in comparison to the West, China, Turkey, the UAE, and other actors.

And so it's a way for Putin to keep control in some areas there at relatively low expense and low risk.

AMNA NAWAZ: You mentioned the gold companies.

I have to ask, is this a military and security operation that Prigozhin is running an Africa or a business one?

KIMBERLY MARTEN: It's both, and they are really melded together.

And remember that Prigozhin himself has no combat experience, and not really any business experience.

So, he probably got assigned to do this as a middleman, as a contractor because of his relationship to Putin that goes back to the early 1990s in St. Petersburg.

And so, as far as we know, the contracts that are in place in places like the Central African Republic and Mali and Sudan and, to a lesser extent, in Libya have forces that are associated with Wagner guarding the mines, and then personnel that are associated with Prigozhin's more commercial businesses engaged in the trade and the transport of those materials and perhaps in the processing of them as well.

AMNA NAWAZ: Fascinating look at a group I'm sure we will hear more about.

That is Kimberly Marten, professor of political science at Barnard College, Columbia University, joining us tonight.

Kim, thank you for your time.

KIMBERLY MARTEN: Thank you, Amna.