Iraq’s younger generations feel shut out of the economy and political process

Amna Nawaz:

Over half of Iraq's 42 million people are under the age of 25, which means they grew up in the wake of the U.S.-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein two decades ago.

But while this young population could be a driver for growth, many find themselves shut out of Iraq's oil-rich economy and its political process.

Special correspondent Simona Foltyn met three young Iraqis from the predominantly Shia, Sunni and Kurdish areas, all of whom are disappointed by the promises of Democratic rule.

Simona Foltyn:

Alaa Al Sattar was just in third grade when the United States invaded Iraq. But, even as an 8-year-old, he understood it was a turning point for the country.

Alaa Al Sattar, Aspiring Politician (through translator):

At the beginning of each class, we had to say "Long live the leader, Saddam Hussein."

After the regime fell, we went to school, and the teacher insulted Saddam Hussein and said: "Do not repeat that slogan anymore. Say, long live Iraq."

Simona Foltyn:

We are in Baghdad's Firdos Square, the iconic place where Saddam's statue was toppled on April 9, 2003. The pictures were broadcast around the world, signaling the beginning of a new era.

But 20 years on, the generation that grew up in the shadow of the American invasion is increasingly disappointed.

Alaa Al Sattar (through translator):

The leaders of the American invasion said that a generation of freedom will emerge that is raised on freedom and the principles of democracy. But I one of this generation, and I find myself fighting for freedom and the right to live.

Simona Foltyn:

I first met Alaa during the Tishreen or October protests which began in October. Years of accumulated anger over corruption, poor services and lack of jobs ushered in the biggest grassroots protest movement since Saddam's overthrow.

Young Iraqis from across the Shiite south rose up against corrupt ruling elites. It felt like an unprecedented opportunity to reform the system. Alaa set up a new political party called the National House designed to transcend ethno-sectarian divides.

Alaa Al Sattar (through translator):

Those goals we want to achieve are the same which the Tishreen demonstration called for. We want to build one Iraqi nation.

Simona Foltyn:

But the protests were brutally crushed. Tahrir Square, back then the epicenter of the protests, is now empty. Alaa's political party fell apart.

Alaa Al Sattar (through translator):

The authorities in different political parties managed to dismantle our party. They offered money in exchange for adopting a certain political vision.

Simona Foltyn:

Just like the Tishreen movement, Alaa's young party lacked unity and organization. The failure of the Tishreen protest movement to achieve tangible change is a sign just how difficult it is for Iraqis to realize their aspirations in a country that is ruled not by institutions and laws, but by those with money and guns.

Though Iraq's elites are more entrenched than ever, the protest movement left a lasting imprint on popular culture and political discourse. Cafes like this are opening across town, providing new spaces for students, artists and activists.

Alaa and his friends regularly meet here to discuss the latest political developments. Tonight, they debate the impact of a new electoral law on the ability of new parties to run in future elections.

Alaa Al Sattar (through translator):

We always say, this is a long struggle. We agree that the struggle should not come through weapons, but through peaceful means. We are committed to pursue this change for years to come.

Simona Foltyn:

In other parts of Iraq too, youth are trying to organize in the face of powerful political interests. In the Western city of Fallujah, Kauther al Mohammedi leads a grassroots organization that is advocating for better services.

Kauther al Mohammedi, President, Suqia (through translator):

Our case is to serve the society and to help them access services. Our goal is not to get government positions.

Simona Foltyn:

A simple, yet dangerous mission. The province has seen a rise in arrests of those who dare to criticize local authorities. It is a worrying sign that freedom of expression, the main benefit of removing Saddam, is receding.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

The more time passes the less, space we have for freedom of expression. Previously, I used to raise my voice to demand better services. But, today, I can't. When I publish something on social media, I get threatened.

Simona Foltyn:

Kauther worries that the latest crackdown heralds a new period of upheaval in Anbar Province, which saw some of the worst violence in the wake of the U.S. invasion.

Fallujah was the site of the two battles between American troops and insurgents. The first battle began shortly after the invasion, when four American contractors were killed, their bodies hung from this bridge. The images drew indignation in the United States and prompted the launch of a counterinsurgency campaign.

As was so often the case, civilians were caught in the middle.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

River crossing was about life and death. The people in Fallujah can't go to the other side.

Simona Foltyn:

Kauther was 13 years old back then. Many children and especially girls dropped out of school because it was simply too dangerous to get there.

Kauther had to run a gauntlet of checkpoints every day to continue her education.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

Just before my school, there was a gunman who would point the gun to my head and say: "When are you going to be done? Enough already with your studies."

Simona Foltyn:

Women's rights regressed as a result of decades of war and hardship, prompting society to turn towards tribal and religious values.

Iraq is relatively stable today, but women still struggle to reclaim their rightful place in society and politics.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

Women used to play a role in Fallujah, but now what you will find is marginalization and exploitation and not investment.

Simona Foltyn:

Although the 2005 constitution introduced a quota that guarantees women at least 25 percent of seats in Parliament, Kauther has no illusion about who really holds the power.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

Politicians use women in their party lists to gain more positions. Many women are refusing to run in elections, because they will find themselves reduced to just a name and a vote.

Simona Foltyn:

It is one reason Kauther doesn't want to run for office or accept funding from political parties. But this effort to maintain her independence also limits her ability to help the most disadvantaged.

We accompany her as she visits slums on the outskirts of Fallujah, where many women widowed by wars struggle to make a living.

Kauther al Mohammedi (through translator):

I do not know what I can offer them in terms of donations. This case requires state intervention, but these women are not a priority for the government.

Simona Foltyn:

Neglect, authoritarianism and corruption, these are the byproducts of the U.S. invasion that afflict Iraq's youth across the country, even in semiautonomous Kurdistan.

The oil-rich northern region has been spared much of the turmoil that has rocked Iraq over the past two decades and is often hailed as an enclave of stability and prosperity. But little of that has translated into opportunities for its youth.

Alan Osman, Laborer (through translator):

There are very few opportunities for everyone, including the workers and the, business owners.

Simona Foltyn:

Alan is 19 years old. He dropped out of ninth grade and has worked as a daily laborer since. Stable jobs are reserved for those with connections to the two ruling families, the Barzanis and the Talabanis, whose political parties are all-powerful.

Alan Osman (through translator):

Even studying is pointless in this country. That is why I quit. I have watched many people, including my sisters and my brother, graduate with degrees like the English language, journalism, and accounting, but they still couldn't find any jobs.

Simona Foltyn:

This lack of hope is pushing youth in two dangerous directions. One is migration. Last year, Alan was one of thousands of young Kurds who tried, but failed to reach Europe via Belarus.

Although he is still paying back thousands of dollars he borrowed to pay smugglers, he is ready to risk it all again.

Alan Osman (through translator):

If life is good here, I won't leave. But if things do not get better, I will have no choice but to try again.

Simona Foltyn:

But it is the effect that second could be of concern for internal stability. Many youth like Alan are increasingly drawn to ultraconservative interpretations of Islam as a solution for the region's governance problems.

Alan thinks the region would be better off under Islamic law.

Alan Osman (through translator):

If the country was ruled by the Koran and the word of the Prophet Mohammed, everything would get better.

Simona Foltyn:

From Shia to Sunni to Kurdish areas of the country, much of the post-2003 generation feels Iraq's elites have failed them, eroding the legitimacy of the political system that the United States helped install.

For the "PBS NewsHour," I'm Simona Foltyn in Iraq.