Even with all of this redistricting, Democrats are still favored or in a good position to take back the House.

It just means that they may not flip the same number of seats that they would have otherwise.

Um, of course, they were only starting out needing to flip three seats to take the majority.

And so say you have a five seat cushion, then they have to flip eight seats effectively on net to take back the majority, which should be quite doable in a standard midterm cycle when the party out of power on average has flipped around two dozen seats over the past 100 years.

And so, you know, they have still a lot going for them environmentally when you look at President Trump's approval rating and the approval rating um of some of these Republican members in competitive districts.

Of course, the Democrats' brand is also in a terrible space, but ultimately at the end of the day, we've seen from time and time again in the special elections, in the off-year governor's elections last year, Democrats are much more motivated to turn out and vote than Republicans right now.

Even if they don't like who's running their party or they may not love the party, they still are going to vote to make sure a Republican doesn't win the race.

Hey everyone from KQED in San Francisco, this is Political Breakdown.

I'm Marisa Lagos and I'm Scott Schafer.

Today on the breakdown, California will once again play a big role in determining which party controls Congress next year, even as the landscape for House races continues to shift.

That's partly due to the mid-decade redistricting battle that President Trump set off last summer.

But there's also a recent Supreme Court decision that has some southern states moving to redraw their maps now, even after some voters there have already cast ballots.

We have two great guests joining us today to break this all down.

First up, KQED politics correspondent Guy Marzorati will talk about how the debates over generational change within the Democratic Party are affecting congressional races.

Then we will bring in Erin Covey.

She's editor of Cook Political Report's coverage of the US House of Representatives to break down the national landscape and take a closer look at the high stakes districts back here in California.

Guy, welcome back.

Hello.

So remind our listeners because it's been quite a crazy political year already.

We voted here in California back uh last fall on Prop 50.

Uh that was after President Trump asked Texas to redraw its maps to add five more GOP seats.

So California responded with this Democrats here.

Remind us what did voters agree to with that ballot measure?

Yeah, so this was a complete redraw of California's congressional map to favor Democrats explicitly.

Like this was a Democratic gerrymander that got approved.

As a result, yeah, Texas did their redraw, California redrew its map and we're going to see by virtue of that more seats go in the Democratic column in the midterms.

Some of them are pretty much slam dunks.

Others will still, I think, be competitive.

I think what it means overall is California, you look back the last few years, we've had way more competitive elections for House than a lot of other big states because of the fact that we did not draw our lines to help either party.

This changes that.

California probably still has the most competitive seats of any state, but it's a lot fewer than what we've seen in previous years.

So, what are Democrats best hopes here?

Are they thinking that they can maybe flip five seats?

Is that doable?

Yeah, look, I I mean, I think when you look just at the redrawn seats, some of those right off the top, you can count in the Democratic column.

I mean, there's a seat in Southern California that Ken Calvert held a Republican that no longer exists.

Like, that was basically just drawn off the map.

Move to Los Angeles.

Democrats will win that.

There's one in the northern part of the state, the first district that in all likelihood Democrats will win.

Another one in around Sacramento where the incumbent Kevin Kiley not only switched districts, he switched parties.

You know, that's how bad the redraw was for Republicans to an independent not to become a Democrat.

And so, yeah.

So, I think those those are Democrats are feeling very confident about those.

There's two other ones.

One in Southern California that currently is held by Darrell Issa who's not running for re-election, a Republican, and another in the Central Valley held by uh David Valadao, who is running for re-election.

Those will be more competitive.

But Democrats still feel better about those today than they did before the maps were redrawn with Prop 50.

We'll probably dig into some of those with Erin in a little bit.

But, you know, both in safe districts for, you know, Democrats and in some of these districts that, you know, they're trying to flip, we're seeing some intra-party fights playing out.

Of course, this is a primary season.

We do have an open primary here in California, so everyone's on the same ballot together, Republican, Democrat, but there's this sort of generational debate we've been hearing.

Is it time for a new generation of leaders?

And then there's more philosophical ones, moderates versus progressives, generational change.

Talk about that.

We're seeing incumbents being challenged.

Um is there any races like you would point to on that that that really sort of encapsulates this?

Yeah, there's three I think that really speak to it.

One in the North Bay where Mike Thompson in Napa and Sonoma is facing a challenge from Eric Jones who is a well-funded kind of self-funded uh candidate much younger former finance guy.

Yeah.

Who's challenging him.

Similar in Sacramento, Mai Vang challenging Doris Matsui who's held that seat for a long time.

And then in the San Fernando Valley, Brad Sherman getting a challenge from Jake Levine.

Another kind of generational matchup there where in a lot of these cases, it's not the policy, right?

There may not be huge policy differences between these candidates.

It's a feeling, and you saw this, there was a poll out from NPR today.

Vast majority of voters saying, "We want to have some kind of check on older candidates."

This is an opportunity for Democrats, you know, some of those younger Democrats running.

And I'd say it's interesting in some of these cases where you might actually see two Democrats in the general election.

I know everyone is rushing to kill the top two primary.

Everybody can't wait to get rid of that.

You look at a case like in the North Bay uh with Mike Thompson and Eric Jones.

In all likelihood, that would also be a general election.

Those two could get to November and you really see kind of the the differences play out.

It's very difficult for younger candidates taking on long-term incumbents to have to pull it off in the primary, right?

You look at someone like Ro Khanna, who today we think of as like one of the stars in the Democratic party.

He got killed the first time he ran against, you know, in the South Bay when he took on a longtime incumbent in the primary.

It took a long campaign.

He made up ground.

He won the next time.

So, I think it the top two in many ways give some of these candidates who are just trying to come on the scene a chance to try to make their name and take on a longtime incumbent.

And all these races are not the same, right?

You've got Doris Matsui running up in the Sacramento area.

Uh she's been there for like over 20 years running against somebody much younger as you said.

Uh but then you've got, you know, other places where there is an age difference like Mike the Mike Thompson seat.

Like is is it just age or is it something about their performance given that they've been there so long?

I mean Maxine Waters down in LA is like in her 90s I think.

Yeah.

I mean I think in these cases it's less of a policy thing, right?

You know, I don't think these candidates are going to vote very differently in these cases.

I mean in whether you're talking about Mike Thompson, Eric Jones, like I think a lot of the pitch for some of these candidates is a new face like a generational change and some of the anxiety Democrats have been feeling in the Biden era about, you know, having older candidates.

But that's also interesting because I don't know that we've seen in every case like it feels like the question on the generic poll like do you like Democrats or Republicans?

Sometimes it's like do you like do you want a new generation?

Yes.

But then when they the ballot comes they're like well I do know this incumbent, right?

So, we'll have to watch that to see how it plays out.

The other big split, of course, is the more philosophical one, moderates versus Democrats.

We're seeing this in a number of races, including one here in San Francisco for Nancy Pelosi's seat.

But I wonder, guys, since we're still in primary season, before we get to that race, like, is this do these just turn into fights about electability?

Like, are are voters kind of looking at, you know, who is it that can actually win this race?

So, I'm thinking of like the Central Valley District held by David Valadao where you have two Democrats kind of fighting over that issue.

Yeah.

And and not to suggest in these kind of generational battles that there's no policy differences, but I'm glad you highlighted that race in the Central Valley where we really do see a split between the Democrats, Jasmeet Bains, Randy Villegas, where it really is kind of like about the direction of the party.

Jasmeet Bains being the more kind of moderate centrist candidate, Villegas supported by a lot of kind of the Bernie Sanders uh energy in the party.

And you do get those policy debates over, for example, single payer healthcare that's divided those candidates.

And I think in a lot of these cases, you end up, it turns into a question about electability and concerns about Democrats saying, well, look, if we elect a progressive candidate, that's going to hurt our chances of taking these seats.

You know, there's two sides of this.

It's on one, a lot of these California districts have come down to hundreds of votes.

And when you're talking about margins that close, you know, maybe having a candidate who has more of a crossover appeal is valuable.

On the flip side, I have to come back to the fact that so much of the dynamics in these House races are national.

It's like Trump is sitting at 40% approval that tells the story of the day rather than what specific candidate.

You can look at that Valadao district as an example.

Democrats have tried for years to unseat him.

Who's the Democrat that did unseat him?

TJ Cox, would you say?

Would you say TJ C I mean I don't know if this show airs in in High Desert, but like is he the strongest of all the candidates Democrats put forward over all the years?

He only served what, one term.

So yeah.

So a lot of that is national dynamics.

He ran in a wave election when Democrats were able to knock off Valadao where you know, look that what voters are feeling about the national level may be more important than whoever this specific Democrat is.

Well, that's a good pivot to the race here in San Francisco, which you've been covering in part with some of our colleagues, Scott.

This is for Nancy Pelosi's seat.

You have Scott Wiener a long time.

I mean, first of all, they're all progressives by national standards, but in San Francisco, Scott Wiener seen as a more moderate.

He's been in the state Senate, Board of Supervisors.

You have Connie Chan, real progressive kind of labor candidate currently on the board of sups.

And then Saikat Chakrabarti, former uh chief of staffer, Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez, really running as this like kind of change candidate, Bernie Sanders type.

So like how is that playing out then when you have essentially three liberal Democrats fighting for a bunch of liberal Democrats' votes?

Yeah, I mean this is a safe Democratic seat.

uh you know Chakrabarti announced he was running when it wasn't clear whether Pelosi would run and that was going to be a real generational fight.

That's no longer the case because she's now retiring.

But he's definitely staked out.

I would call him kind of the uh disruptor lane in the sense that you know he wants to not just get elected and go back to D.C.

by himself but bring with him more people who are like him who think that the Democratic party has become too corporate uh and that there's no chance of really getting big change done because there's so much money that comes into Democratic candidates.

So he's really uh you know staked that out.

Uh and then you said like you said Scott Wiener well-known very prolific lawmaker from Sacramento.

He's represented San Francisco for a long time.

Uh but he's also Jewish and he's been tripped up on the genocide Gaza issue.

And then he was also tripped up as as a relatively moderate candidate, somebody who isn't supporting Prop D on the ballot, which would increase uh taxes on some companies where there's a big disparity in uh salaries between the CEO and and the employees.

So anyway, it's then you got Connie Chan who's a supervisor.

So they're all vying and you know as you said they probably wouldn't be that different on policy although there are you know definitely Chakrabarti has really uh carved out that far-left lane I would say.

Yeah, I guess Guy quickly before we let you go, I mean, how are you seeing this race when we talk about the broader context?

San Francisco is an island uh in terms of the politics here, you know?

I mean, and look, my question for Connie Chan is the same as it was 6 months ago.

Like, where's the money going to be for her in a race like this?

Chakrabarti, what has he spent $5 million of his own money?

He's on television.

He has his own wealth to get his name out.

Clearly, Scott Wiener has a lot of, you know, big money backing for someone like Chan.

Yes, she's gotten a lot of endorsements from labor groups, but for those groups, what does it matter who the Democrat is in Washington where you're largely going to see, yes, they have differences at a San Francisco level, these candidates do not have a whole uh bevy of differences when you're talking about national politics.

I would just jump in real quick and say, you know, AOC, who you know, Chakrabarti worked for, has not endorsed him and Nancy Pelosi has not made an endorsement either, although she's been helping Connie Chan sort of behind the scenes.

Well, and it's interesting because a lot of the issues that do separate these candidates are not going to be issues in Congress in front of them.

It's it's Scott Wiener on housing and whether there should be, you know, those sorts of things and and and you see that dominate both the debate, you know, in the actual debates, but also I think the way a lot of voters are viewing these candidates uh just proving, you know, it's all about the district.

All right, Guy Marzorati, thank you for your insight.

Anytime.

Welcome back to Political Breakdown.

I'm Marisa Lagos here with Scott Shafer.

Today we have with us Erin Covey.

She is Cook Political Reports editor for US House races and she has a insane encyclopedia knowledge of all of these races across the nation.

Erin, welcome back to Political Breakdown.

Hey Marisa, thanks for having me on.

So let's talk big picture.

As we said at the top here, there was this sort of mid decade redistricting fight set off by the president.

uh it has spread to both blue and red states and we have seen I mean we're still seeing even just today like state legislators voting to redraw maps in uh Tennessee.

So where what are the politics here?

Like which party is winning the redistricting wars or is anyone winning?

Voters are losing.

It's a great question.

Yes, I think it's clear that voters are losing from all of this last minute changing.

I mean, these members of Congress are also losing because they're having to run in dramatically different districts or they're um losing the chance to be able to win re-election in their new districts.

But yes, in terms of who's coming out on top, fair to say Republicans are out on top.

How much though is what is very much up in the air.

And that's because with some of these maps, there are still pending court cases that we're waiting on.

There are maps that are getting passed, for example, in Tennessee and in other places like Alabama where they're going to be challenged in court and we don't know what the outcome of those races will be.

I think everyone is still trying to figure out how to interpret the Supreme Court's ruling on the Voting Rights Act that of course overturned Louisiana's map and paved the way for all these southern states.

But I would say right now a realistic scenario is that Republicans net a handful of seats thanks to redistricting.

the best case scenario for them might look like them netting close to a dozen seats as a result of redistricting.

But that um assumes that the court cases break their way and that the competitive districts break their way because I think what a lot of folks don't realize is that in Texas and in Florida, these seats that were drawn to favor Republicans are not slam dunks for them in a lot of cases.

And so there's a pretty wide range of possibilities that we're looking at here.

Yeah.

You look in Texas, uh, some of those lines were drawn with the assumption that Latinos would be voting for Republicans the way they did for Trump.

That may or may not happen.

So, you're saying Republicans are may come out ahead, looks like they will come out ahead on the redistricting, but at the same time, they're facing a lot of headwinds over Iran, gas prices, the president's extreme unpopularity.

And so, when you put all that in the balance, like what should Democrats expect coming out of November?

Because typically, you know, all things being equal, this should be a very good year for the party that's not in power.

Yeah.

Look, I think even with all of this redistricting, Democrats are still favored or in a good position to take back the House.

It just means that they may not flip the same number of seats that they would have otherwise.

Um, of course, they were only starting out needing to flip three seats to take the majority.

And so say you have a five seat cushion, then they have to flip eight seats effectively on net to take back the majority, which should be quite doable in a standard midterm cycle with a party out of power on average has flipped around two dozen seats over the past 100 years.

And so, you know, they have still a lot going for them environmentally when you look at President Trump's approval rating and the approval rating um of some of these Republican members in competitive districts.

Of course, the Democrats brand is also in a terrible space, but ultimately at the end of the day, we've seen from time and time again in the special elections, in the off-year governor's elections last year, Democrats are much more motivated to turn out and vote than Republicans right now.

Even if they don't like who's running their party or they may not love the party, they still are going to vote to make sure a Republican doesn't win the race.

Yeah.

And I mean, I think that's interesting.

like if this is a true wave of this redistricting thing this year could all be for not for Republicans, but longer term it could really stand to shake things up and we might talk about that later.

Um, quickly before we start come back here to California, you know, in Indiana this week, we saw uh at least five state lawmakers who had bucked President Trump's calls to redo their maps there get thrown out.

These were Republicans.

They were replaced by more Trump friendly Republicans.

I mean that I think that tells us how popular Trump still is with with the base of his, you know, party.

Um, but I don't know.

Are you reading anything into that either about what it tells us about November or could Indiana end up actually redrawing its maps at this the point?

Yeah, look, I mean, I don't think we're going to see Indiana redraw its maps for this cycle.

Um, I do think that this impacts the way Republicans in some southern states are looking at redistricting, like in places like in South Carolina where you have seen Republican lawmakers pretty resistant to redistricting this cycle, but they're facing a lot of pressure from the White House, of course.

Um, so I do think long term, you know, maybe it makes some Republican lawmakers more nervous about opposing the the president on this issue.

Um but you know I would also say yes in the short term it means that Trump is still quite popular among his Republican base.

I mean we see that his approval rating is still in the 80s among Republicans in the 90s.

Even on like issues like Iran where he has lost some ground with Republicans.

He still has you know an 80% approval rating among among them.

And so he is still, you know, in a in a much better spot with them than he is, of course, with independents, which is where he has really lost the most ground.

So, let's dig into one of those uh districts that we talked about earlier, and that is the 22nd Congressional district.

David Valadao is the incumbent Republican there.

He's been in, you know, the, you know, the sights of Democrats many times and he's always managed, except for one time, to get re-elected.

Um, it's kind of like, you know, Lucy and the football, uh, for California Democrats.

How do you see that race where you've got Valadao who voted for the Big Beautiful Bill in a district that has a lot of people on Medicaid so they're going to really be affected by those cuts and then you've got kind of a moderate Democrat Jasmeet Bains versus a more progressive liberal younger uh candidate from Tulare County a professor of political science how do you see that and this and the question of like is it better to have a a mod Dem that can maybe pick up some more you know say liberal Republicans and independents or somebody who can really drive out the turnout like a younger more progressive candidate.

Yeah, look, it's a tough battle that the Democratic party is currently enmeshed in, not in just in this district, but in districts across the country, but I do think this district may offer one of the strongest contrasts.

Um, look, I mean, for Valadao, he has survived a lot of tough races.

He's also benefited from the fact that the Central Valley has really shifted towards the right over the past couple of years.

And so, his district has gotten better for him over time.

after redistricting.

It is definitely a tougher seat for him, but it's still a seat that Trump would have won by a couple of points.

Valadao tends to overperform.

So, you know, I think certainly in a year that's good for Democrats, this is a true toss-up race.

Um, but, you know, you can't take this race for granted.

Um, it is definitely the toughest of the five seats for Democrats to flip.

And yeah, I mean, in terms of the Democratic field at this point, from what I've gathered, it seems like Jasmeet Bains, the more moderate State Assemblymember who's running, is pretty evenly matched with Randy Villegas, the more progressive candidate in polls.

Um, and I do think that, you know, Bain's side, which includes the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the official arm of the House Democratic Caucus, has argued that she is going to perform stronger in a general election.

And I think generally what we see in these 50/50 districts is that more moderate candidates tend to have more ability to appeal to the independent or and Republican leading voters that you need.

Um, but of course this is also a district that is I think close to 70% Hispanic and Randy Villegas is the Hispanic candidate in the race.

And so you see a lot of Hispanic lawmakers in Congress and in California who have said, "Now wait a second.

I don't know if um a non-Hispanic candidate will provide as strong of a challenge as a Hispanic one in this case."

Um, which of course this Latinos have really moved to the right in the Trump era.

We've seen quite a bit of reversion since Trump has been in office and elections so far where they have been voting for Democrats, but it is still very they're still very much up for grabs and I think that is electability argument is what's driving this primary contest right now.

I mean Erin, you brought up something there that I think is just so fascinating for Democrats, which is like how much does the party put its sum on the scale here?

We did see the DCCC, which is the campaign arm of congressional Democrats, come in and say they're going to back Bains.

And that of course angers a lot of more progressive Democrats who I think, you know, do have an argument to be made after the last couple presidential elections that may maybe the party isn't always that good at reading the tea leaves here.

Like are we is that a theme we're seeing here?

It's it it is unusual for the party to necessarily get involved in a primary race without an incumbent there.

So like is that a trend?

And do you think that then if it is we're mostly seeing them kind of go for either the moderate candidate or you know when the generational debates happening the incumbent.

Yeah.

Look, I mean, I will say on the Senate side, it is more common to see the official party put its thumb on the scale in some of these competitive races and primaries for competitive races.

The DCCC has spent more time on the sidelines in recent years, but this isn't, you know, entirely unprecedented.

And I think when they do put their thumb on the scale, it is typically because they believe that the other candidate may not be able to win the general election.

and they feel that much more confident in the candidate that they have endorsed.

Um, and so yes, it does tend to be for more moderate candidates.

And then on the incumbent front, you know, regardless of the incumbent, the party apparatus is going to back their incumbents.

Um, even if they are facing a really serious challenge.

Now, they may not put a lot of money behind it.

You know, they may not actually follow through with that, but on paper, you have to back your members.

And so that is pretty much kind of always in question unless you have a member who is really scandal-ridden.

Right.

Well, let's talk about the 48th Congressional District.

Right now, the person who represents them uh is Darrell Issa.

Uh very wealthy uh member of Congress.

He's chosen chosen not to run for reelection.

I think he looked both at the political headwinds he was facing as a Trump Republican, but also the changing district.

Uh it's now much more favorable to Democrats than it was.

Then you've got three very competitive uh Democrats who are maybe carving up that vote in ways that we'll find out.

And then you've got a Republican running who actually is uh you know Jim Desmond uh is a is is a traditional Republican aligned with Trump but he doesn't have the baggage that Darrell Issa does and in some ways might be a stronger candidate than Issa.

How do you see all of that playing out?

It's a good question.

Look, this is a district that is obviously not a slam dunk for Democrats, but it definitely should favor them.

um both the natural leaning of this district.

It voted for Kamala Harris by a couple of points in 2024.

Um but also in the environment that we're in, I think any of these Democrats should be favored over Jim Desmond, the Republican who is running here and is almost certainly going to be the Republican nominee in this race.

Um now, of course, the Democratic side of this primary has gotten quite contentious.

Um, I think most folks that I have talked to see it as more of a two-way race between Marni von Wilpert, a San Diego city councilmember, and Ammar Campa-Najjar, um, who formerly ran for this district twice.

And so, and then there's also Brandon Riker, who I'll mention, he's self-funding as well.

He's an economist, but he's kind of starting out with less name ID and less institutional support than the other two candidates.

Um, and, you know, I think we're going to see the electability argument come into play here.

It's not like there is a super clear ideological divide, I would say.

Um, but in some ways, Campa-Najjar has kind of tried to run to von Wilpert's left a little, but but I think the other theme you're going to see in this race is a lot of outside spending.

We've already seen quite a bit of outside spending both for um Von Wilpert and for Campa-Najjar.

Um, and so, you know, we'll see how that moves the needle.

I think Campa-Najjar has the edge right now based on his pre-existing name ID, but von Wilpert has a lot of friends in D.C.

who could spend a lot of money on her behalf.

Yeah, she she also, I think, came very close to the party endorsement.

All right, before we let you go, you know, we we mentioned at the top there's a handful of districts that were changed by Prop 50 that do look very good for Democrats.

One in particular is uh California District 1.

This was held by Doug LaMalfa until he suddenly passed away.

So there's actually like two three or four uh questions before voters to both fill his seat for the rest of his term and then in the new district which is uh has been sort of redrawn away from the coast to include some of the more red parts of California.

Um I guess to me the bigger question with this district it it seems like something that state senator Mike McGuire uh Democrat it's it's kind of his to lose in a way.

He's the most well known, the best funded.

Um, you do have assembly member Republican James Gallagher also challenging him and then a Democratic uh challenger Audrey Denney.

But this seems like a district that really encapsulates how voters can lose here because you're going to have a big swath of very conservative areas that are likely going to elect a a Democrat.

Um, just talk about what that tells us and and when you look ahead to 2028 and 2030, what this could mean.

I mean, are we going to end up in a place where like if you live in a Democratic state, you only elect Democrats to Congress and if you live in a Republican state, you only elect Republicans.

Yeah.

Look, I mean, this issue has only been exasperated this cycle.

Both parties gerrymander.

They typically want to benefit their own party when they take up redistricting at the beginning of the decade.

What is different this cycle is that we're seeing parties do it in the middle of the decade for explicitly partisan reasons.

Um but yeah, I mean I think that with California's first district, this is a district that to your point previously was pretty solidly Republican.

It did have some blue areas in it, but it always elected Republicans.

And now it still has quite a bit of that rural Northern part of the state that is more conservative-leaning, but now would have voted for Harris by double digits.

And so it is going to be pretty much impossible for a Republican to win this cycle under the new lines.

Um, so yeah, I mean I I think what the interesting question for California will be going forward now at the beginning of the next decade in 2030, how does the independent redistricting commission handle this?

because now you have incumbents who have been in place under these new lines um that were drawn by Democrats and you know are we going to see maps that are more similar to what the state had before or are they going to be more incentivized to protect these incumbents that have now been in place for a couple of terms?

I don't know.

But I do think um that this has turned into a bit of an arms race that is certainly not going to end, particularly now that the Supreme Court has really weakened the Voting Rights Act.

That provides a lot of opportunities for Republicans to gerrymander in southern states.

And I think we're going to see Democrats now in other blue states like New York and Colorado move forward with gerrymandering their own states in response.

All right, we got to leave it there.

Erin Covey, thank you so much for your time today.

Thank you for having me on.

For more election information, including our voter guide, you can visit kqed.org.

For the voter guide, it's ked.org/voterguide.

That's a wrap for Thursday, May 7th.

Political Breakdown is a production of KQED.

Our engineer today is Christopher Beale.

Our producer is Izzy Bloom.

Our video team includes Matt Morales, Alex Tran, Jim McKee, Gilare Zada, and Vivian Morales.

I'm Scott Shafer, and I'm Marisa Lagos.

We'll see you next time.