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Right. ...
Do you believe that? Let's stop trading wheat. We need iron. We need the
automobiles to maintain the logistics system. So does that mean we can't trade
steel? These are all markets. ...
I understand what you're saying, but I don't buy it. I just flat out don't buy it. Any system can fail. We had a regulated system in North America for a long time that was delivering electricity to consumers at twice what it was worth. We had a cost structure that was ludicrous. You go around the world and look at other regulated structures. There are blackouts in most of the world, consistent blackouts. Where real markets are operating, there's rarely ever a supply shock. The problem we have in California is not that we deregulated the market. We never deregulated the market. The California market today is one of the most regulated markets in North America. They regulate where you can buy and sell the product, they regulate the form of contract that you can use to buy and sell. They won't allow you to go into a ... long-term purchase contract. That's crazy, absolutely crazy. They have fixed prices to consumers and they've got a regulatory system that basically prohibits you from building new facilities. This is a deregulated market? Come on. Deregulate the market; open it up. Give customers choice. ...
This is the most volatile commodity in the world and you're designing a system
where you're requiring the utilities to purchase all of their power in the spot
market? This is nuts. On the face of it, it didn't pass the smell test. ...
The decision was made to move to this particular structure of a marketplace,
and I think the design of that marketplace was not an open competitive market.
It was a way of absorbing stranded costs.
Right, and that bucket of money the utilities needed to recover. They call it
stranded costs. In any open competitive market, they call it bad decisions,
but we got a whole new nomenclature in the power business, so they needed to
recover stranded costs. ...
I wouldn't quite say that, because the deal with the devil was constructed by the regulators and I think it was take it or leave it. ... I would not have wanted to be in a position the utilities were in, because the utilities were in the position where the legislature and the regulators were basically saying, "Look, we have this hammer over your head. You guys have stranded costs. We're not going to allow you to pass them through. We will allow you to pass them through if you agree to this market structure." So the utilities said, "OK, we agree to the market structure," and it got real close to working.
Unfortunately, they agreed to a market structure which was a bad market
structure, and I think anybody other than a regulator would have seen that
market structure as a bad market structure. This market structure, it was like
it was designed by the Politburo. Would you have gone to the Politburo in the
Soviet Union and said, "OK, we want you guys to design an open market system
for the emerging new Russian state?" You wouldn't go to the Politburo to
design that marketplace. You'd go to people that understand markets. It never
happened. ...
No. I think if you believe that the market model is deregulation, which is the
model that we would have proposed, the role of the regulator is to ensure fair
practice in the market. ... It's a different form of regulation. They don't
influence the price; they don't do cost-plus pricing. They just make sure the
markets are functioning effectively. That's what the FTC does. ...
Personally, I don't buy it. I think people are looking for a scapegoat.
No, I really don't think so.
No, I think quite the opposite. When this thing was hitting, not only did
everybody have an incentive to, but I think everybody was working extremely
hard to get every possible electron into the California market.
That's what markets do. That's what people do. Again, coming back to this
issue of, should the feds have stepped in to put price caps on? Well, you put
price caps on, and you don't have an open, competitive market. And in the long
run, that will lead to interruptions and shortages.
No. I think there's probably two analogies. If you cut through it all, we are selling reliable delivery and predictable prices. The predictable prices--it's like a bank. A bank borrows money from you as a consumer and they turn around and they lend it. They try to balance those portfolios, so that no matter which way interest rates go, they don't get into a liquidity squeeze. ... For example, if General Motors wants to get a loan, I guess they could come to me and say, "Hey, why don't you give us your checking account?" The problem is, with my checking account, when I get my paycheck, it goes up and then it goes down, all month long. General Motors doesn't want this. General Motors wants to know they have the money there to finance their plants and finance their inventories and all that sort of thing. So a bank aggregates lots and lots of little accounts--so they smooth out in aggregate. They create a portfolio, which provides a smoother supply of funds, which the bank can then lend out.
That's what we do. We aggregate thousands and thousands of producing wells,
thousands and thousands of electricity supplies to smooth them out. Then we
turn around and carve out what you want. ...
Because what we sell is predictable delivery, predictable prices and reliable
delivery, when you have a period when prices are not predictable and people are
worried about delivery, the product we're selling has more value. So, yes, in
a period where there are unstable prices and people are concerned about
delivery, they come to someone like Enron. They know that when they sign a
contract with Enron, the gas or the power will show up when they want it at the
price they've contracted for. So that's what they pay us for.
If people had known, the price would have gone up. It's like the stock market.
In fact, the guy who used to run our trading organization in the old days,
every Friday, we got together and we put a dollar on the table and we bet what
the price of gas was going to be a week later and we did a real bad job. Who
knows? Things happen, and that's the role of markets. Markets balance. ...
I hope so. My concern at the time, back in 1995 and 1996, was that this was so
poorly designed that it could lead to a problem that would discredit
deregulation. Today, people put deregulation and California in the same
sentence. That's wrong. There was no deregulation in California.
I know that consumers will do better in a deregulated market. There will be more price volatility in a deregulated market, because you have to send price signals. You have to tell people to build more power plants or reduce consumption. But over the long term, it will be much less expensive for a consumer if they're in an open competitive market than if they're in a regulated market, and we've proved that. ...
If you're asking me which way I'd rather have--would I rather have a guarantee
of being fleeced? That is the system we had in place all over this country
three or four years ago. Or you give me an open competitive market--where I
know people like Enron and people like Southern California Edison and people
like Con Ed in New York are battling each other for market share and for
profitability--I guarantee you that I am better served and better protected by
that open competitive market than by having a regulator watching over the
system. We've proven it. ...
I absolutely think so. "Just and reasonable" according to who? You have
consumers on Long Island paying 24 cents a kilowatt-hour. That would compare
in Los Angeles to a consumer probably paying 8 cents. And some regulatory
entity has decided that's just and reasonable. You must be kidding me! What
led to that [is that] a whole lot of bad decisions were agreed to by regulators
under the rubric of "just and reasonable."
No, that's absolutely not true. If you look at the prices in the U.K. since
they opened the market, the prices are probably down 40 percent. In Germany,
they opened the market; prices are down 60 percent. In Scandinavia; probably
down 40 percent. They were better market structures than we have in place.
So, no, I don't buy the premise. ...
I actually absolutely don't believe it. I mean, that was the regulatory system
that allowed us to build $10 billion nuclear power plants.
It was a regulatory system that allowed the power plants to be built and said
it was just and reasonable, which meant that you could shove it through to a
captive ... consuming base. I have no ability to fire my electricity supplier.
They are monopolists. If they do something really stupid, like build a nuclear
power plant, I want to fire them. I can't do that in a regulated system. ...
... I'm not sure we need anything from the government. I think if you have a
list of what you would prefer, what you would prefer is the government would
get out of the marketplace and allow it to function effectively.
Absolutely.
I'm not familiar with that. ...
We would like the federal government to declare, as it has, that there are certain facilities and activities that are monopolies--like pipes, distribution pipes, transmission wires. They are a monopoly. There's only one set of wires. If they'll allow us to build another set of wires, that's fine. Maybe we'll build another set of wires. That's not economically efficient, so you have to regulate those wires to give people access to them or allow us to build parallel systems next door to their systems.
So that's all we've asked. Let the markets function effectively. Allow no
monopolist to control a key feature of the entire chain. We're just asking for
fair trade practice. And if you think about the change in regulation, change
in regulation is going to move from cost-plus regulation--where the government
is worried about prices and what people can charge--to fair trade practice.
That's the conversion that we need to accomplish in this.
Old-fashioned anti-trust, yes. ...
Yes. Which is nuts, but...
It's nuts, absolutely. ...
I think the fundamental issue's a little different than that. For example, in the electricity industry, we are arguing for open competitive markets. For the incumbent utilities, we are their worst nightmare. There are, I think, 130 publicly owned electric utilities in North America. Add up their total campaign contributions. What is that number? I'd imagine it's enormous. We're a drop in the bucket compared to an entire industry that has the interest of maintaining a monopoly.
So I hope we're effective in Washington. And I think we are, because we come
in with a pretty logical, rational argument, which is we've seen what
regulation will do. Regulation leads to high prices for consumers, and lack of
choice. Markets provide lower prices and more choice for customers. I think
that's where we win. If we can get our story in front of the legislators and
the regulators, I think they understand it. ...
If you look around the country right now, where is the least progress toward
open competitive markets? It's in the heart of the Confederacy. The
monopolies are doing a good job there. They're keeping out the competition.
...
That's not just the Southern Company. I don't think there is any electric
utility in North America that has not impeded movement on their transmission
grids at one time or another over the last five years. Not one. ...
We're trying to compete. What I would like to do is I would like to have the
ability to serve customers. I'd like to put my product offering in front of
them and have them say yes or no. And there are broad areas of the marketplace
in electricity and natural gas where I can't do that. It is against the law
for me to make an offer to a customer.
Yes, the entrenched monopolies.
I think if you compare or contrast gas deregulation to electricity deregulation ... the FERC, in those days [for the natural gas pipeline industry] exerted very strong jurisdiction over the transmission grid. They basically said, "You guys are going to open up to competition. Anybody that wants to use your pipes uses them on an equivalent basis. You can't bias the use of the pipes to yourself." In electricity, FERC has not pushed as hard. It's more complicated because there are more jurisdictional issues and all the rest of this. But for example, regional transmission organizations--RTOs, they're called--everybody agrees they make sense. And FERC comes out with an order that says it's voluntary. ... If you're the cop on the beat and somebody's stealing apples, you tell them to stop it. You don't say, "I would like you voluntarily to stop stealing apples from the shopkeeper."
So, yes, I think FERC has to exert more forceful jurisdiction on the system to
guarantee that people open up these systems to competition.
I don't know what they did in the investigation. But I will tell you that
there is an organization in the gas markets that if somebody believes that the
rules are not being adhered to, they have an enforcement group that is very
effective. The industry knows that if they don't play straight up, they will
be subject to enforcement actions. ...
I don't know that we've had that big a basis differential between California
and Texas. And if it was there, it might have been a short period of time.
No, it's for very short periods of time, and it's probably come back completely
right now. There are logistics issues in this industry that can lead to
short-term price spikes. And you just expect that. It's a pretty rigid
industry. We need some more capital investment in the industry in transmission
and storage. But I think if you look at the gas market, it operates pretty
efficiently, and if there are price spikes, they tend to be for very short
periods of time ... and they come back again.
The only thing that that would suggest ... [is] that all the pipes are full.
So then my next question would be, are all the pipes full? And if it comes
back that all the pipes are full, I'd say, "OK. We've got to do something to
encourage more new construction." For example, we've just filed a capacity
expansion on Transwestern to California.
Our pipeline into California.
It has been full. Our pipe is usually full out to California. But given the
fact that there is a clear need for gas out there, you let the markets operate
and you let people come in and try to expand the capacity. So if you see
persistent price increases, it's telling you something, right? It's telling
you that you need more capacity.
That's exactly right, so what you need to have is you need to have a cop on the
beat to ensure that there is fair trade practice being executed in the
marketplace. ...
I really don't know. It could be. We've been running those facilities really
hard ... this past summer. Demand in California was up 10 percent last year.
That is unprecedented in a developed economy. ... So last summer they were
running these things flat-out, and I would imagine they were deferring
maintenance on all of them at that time. So it might be catch-up time. ...
Yes. I don't think that's the case. I don't know. I'd love to see their
numbers and see what they're saying. But I would be shocked if there was any
kind of price manipulation going on. ...
I don't buy it. ... I don't know what everybody else does. But I know when the
markets were getting tight, we were doing everything we could to get electrons
into the California market--everything. My guess is that everybody else in the
industry was doing that, too.
I don't know. I would be surprised. There are regulatory mechanisms in place.
If they had not made capacity available that was available, they're in
violation of their open access tariffs, and the FERC can come down on them very
hard. So I would imagine the FERC will look at it and decide if they were in
violation. If they were in violation, they're in trouble. ...
We accept the need for regulation of monopoly enterprises. If you have a
monopoly, you need regulation. For example, in the electricity business, there
is only one owner of transmission wires--one--from any location to another
location, because they were granted a franchise, a monopoly franchise. In that
kind of a world, you need a regulator to ensure that everybody gets access to
them. ...
No, I would prefer that you would have a private entity operate the grid
because I think they'll do a better job. But it has to...
Regulated to ensure that they get fair access and equal access to that facility
to all comers. ...
Yes. We're talking about moving from a cost-plus regulation to fair practice
enforcement. ...
Enforcement of fair trade practice. It was Teddy Roosevelt that broke up the
trust. Teddy Roosevelt was a Republican. People want to have open competitive
markets. They want fair competition. It's the American way. I think that's
as Republican as apple pie--fair trade practice. ...
... I was up talking to some of our people in Portland, and they hear it and
they read it in the newspapers. They don't feel good about it. What I told
them is, "Look, guys, the business we're in is making it better for everyone.
We're bringing the cost down; we're giving consumers choice." And you have a
tough political situation in California. No one likes to raise rates. ... So I
think it's probably easier to find scapegoats than it is to really face that
challenge, but yes, it makes us feel bad. We are doing the right thing. We
are working to create open, competitive, fair markets, and in open, competitive
fair markets, prices are lower and customers get better service.
We are the good guys. We are on the side of angels. ...
Yes, and what are the customers paying for public power? There are enormous
subsidies to public power in the form of tax preferences. If you adjust for
tax preferences in public power and you look at prices--delivered prices to
consumers for public power against an open competitive marketplace--I guarantee
you the open competitive marketplace will be cheaper. ...
That's probably fair, yes. Once you set the rules to a marketplace, we adhere
to the rules. If that's what you're saying, that's what we do.
We adhere to the rules. If they set up rules, we adhere to them. It's like
the tax code. No one expects you to pay more taxes than what you owe. And so
you're expected to interpret the rules and conduct your business in that
fashion. ...
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